Page 193 - MIGRATION

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3.3. Strategies for ‘double play’ on behalf of the parents
Parents insist their child study in Bulgaria in the hope of him finding ‘a bride’ here.
His parents insisted hemarry a Turkish woman in Bulgaria because we are smarter and
hard-working, moreover he is a Bulgarian Turk…no Turkish woman will have him!
with a student in Kirjali)
3.4. Strategies for transforming economic into cultural capital
Acquiring a higher education certificate as a material manifestation of cultural capital for
those children of Bulgarian out-migrants who cannot meet the requirements for admission in
Turkish universities is possible only after their parents pay for the preparatory year in the language
at the University of Varna. The perception is that this very step already guarantees admission as
students, even if with lower exam grades The following is an excerpt from an interview with a
lecturer at the University of Thrace in Edirne, born into a family of Bulgarian out-migrants from
1989 and a member of the ‘30’s generation’:
Well, possibly because Edirne is this kind of town and has this aim – people go to
universityorwant to studyat universitybecause theywant tofinda job– this alwaysmatters. As
for the course, I don’t knowwhy this year there were no emigrants. This is something financial,
since, I don’t know whether you know, but it is quite expensive – about 4 thousand Euros and
the whole fee, that is a lot of money. […] So, in this branch which you visited today, where
you met those students – they are the trickiest lot among the language departments. […] The
initial aim is that they study at university – this is very important. That they are some…, that
they will get some diploma.
In this way we can register the transformation of one capital into another – economic into
cultural, but also into social capital.
3.5. Strategies for mediated justification of the choice to migrate
These are evident on behalf of their parents by ‘showing off’ their financial resources which
secure the opportunity for their children to study abroad. “The local people [Turks in Bulgaria,
authors’ note] don’t like them, because they come here to show off their affluence, show off
money” (from an interview with a student in Kirdjali).
These are the ways in which we find manifestations of how
itself is a key
strategy for transforming social, economic, etc., capital into cultural such. This process is also what
legitimizes the various types of
‘cross-border returns’
of the children of Bulgarian out-migrants
to Turkey.