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The square in the center of town on Hr. G. Popov Street is to be named after His Royal
Highness Ferdinand I Tsar of Bulgarians.
The straight street along the Sveta Troitsa [Holy Trinity] Church in the district of “Kanakli”
and the opposite to it straight street which crosses “Bayandar” district are to be named after our
former teachers: the first after the poet Ivan Vazov, the second after the name of the late Petar
Stanchov (Transcript N12, March 1916, 53 К, оp. 1, а.е. 4).
These names are not preserved (except for Ivan Vazov) as there have been a number of
changes, but on the whole the tendencies remain the same.
Concluding remarks
My discussion so far showed that we could offer a typological rendering of the levels and
directions of policies with regard to including migrant flows in urban space. In the field, however,
it becomes clear that every settlement is a separate case of diverse realizations of these policies.
Of course, we can also offer a classification along the lines of whether a certain town or village
comprises refugees only (built specifically for them or for substitute population), has refugee
district(s) (as in the case of Haskovo) or has quickly integrated the refugees into different urban
spaces, in a dispersed and invisible manner (as is the case of Svilengrad).
The analysis of the participation inurban space of refugee communities andof those of their
successorsprompts theconclusion that typologically thisparticipation is similar to that ofArmenian
or Jewish communities, since the formal features are analogous: a clearly delineated district with
particular naming practices with regard to its elements and publicly declared institutionalization.
On the other hand, as a result from the above-outlined policies, refugee residential districts usually
remain in the peripheries of towns, even if preserving their representation value and being carriers
of memory in themselves.
In smaller villages or towns like Haskovo, in which large masses of refugees were
accommodated, “Thracian-ness” and “refugee-ness” become part of the history of the place.
Notwithstanding their efforts to preserve their autonomy in relation to the respective urban story
or national narrative, these notions sift into the whole picture of the location. Along such lines,
urban spatial markers remain as a durable memory of “refugee-ness”, inherited from the hardest
moments in the life of re-settlers and the most active moments in the exercise of power.
Translated from Bulgarian by Milena Katsarska
Alexander, M. 2007.
Cities and Labour Immigration: Comparing Policy Responses in
Amsterdam, Rome and Tel Aviv
. Aldershot: Ashgate.
Almeida, L. D. 2001.
Irish Immigrants in New York City, 1945–1995
. Bloomington: Indiana
University Press.
Atanassov, K. and Lyondev, K 1980.
Svilengrad i negovite okolnosti
. [
Svilengrad and its
] Sofia: Meditsina i fizkultura.
Balbo, M.(ed.) 2005.
International Migrants and the City: Bangkok, Berlin, Dakar, Karachi,